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Ahmad Hokmabadi Tabrizi (; 29 September 1890 – 11 March 1946), later known as Ahmad Kasravi, was a pre-eminent Iranian historian, jurist, linguistics, Theology, a staunch Secularity and intellectual. He was a professor of law at the University of Tehran, as well as an attorney and judge in Tehran, Iran.
Born in Hokmavar (Hokmabad), Tabriz, Iran, Kasravi was an Iranian Azerbaijani.V. Minorsky. (1957). Mongol Place-Names in Mukri Kurdistan (Mongolica, 4), Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 19, No. 1, pp. 58–81, p. 66. JSTORIran and Its Place Among Nations, Alidad Mafinezam, Aria Mehrabi, 2008, p.57 During his early years, Kasravi enrolled in a seminary. Later, he joined the Iranian Constitutional Revolution. He deserted his clerical training after this event and enrolled in the American Memorial School of Tabriz. Thenceforward he became, in Roy Mottahedeh's words, "a true anti-cleric." (2025). 9781851686162, Oneworld Publications. ISBN 9781851686162
Kasravi was the founder of a political-social movement whose goal was to build an Iranian secularism identity. The movement was formed during the Pahlavi Iran. Kasravi authored more than 70 books, mostly in the Persian language. The most important book from his body of work are History of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution, Azari or the Ancient Language of Azerbaijan and The 18 Year History of Azerbaijan.
He was attacked vehemently by the Shi'ite clergy for his secular ideas and by the court for his anti-monarchical statements. In his early period he was linked with the Democrat Party in Iran. In 1941 he established a political party, Azadegan. Kasravi was eventually assassinated by followers of Navvab Safavi, the founder of the Shi'ite fundamentalist Fada'iyan-e Islam group. Many of the prominent members of the then Iranian clergy, including the later Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, supported the act of Kasravi being murdered, and Navvab and the Fada'iyan were proclaimed heroes following the assassination. Kasravi was the first Iranian Azerbaijani intellectual to take a firm position against Pan-Turkism from the Ottoman Empire, and authored the most important work on the Iranian identity of the Azerbaijan region and the region's Old Azeri language, an Iranian language. (2025). 9780190869663, Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190869663 Kasravi is widely despised by pan-Turkists in the Republic of Azerbaijan and Iran, who view him as a "traitor" to Azerbaijanis. (2025). 9780190869663, Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190869663
In 1904, at the same time as the beginning of the Persian Constitutional Revolution in Tabriz, Kasravi first came across the name of the constitution and, according to him, he was dedicated to the constitution from the very beginning. At the same time, a young cleric in Hakmavar became the son-in-law of Mir Mohsen Agha, the guardian of Kasravi's family, and Mir Mohsen started the mosque of Nia Kasravi and forced Kasravi to learn from him; But the two were at odds. Kasravi's leaning towards the constitution and the opposition of this cleric and Mir Mohsen Agha to the constitution also increased his enmity. Therefore, Kasravi stopped learning from him, and as a result, his family guardian also resented Kasravi and changed his attitude towards him.
In 1908, Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar bombarded the Majlis. Tabriz was blockaded. At that time, Haji Mirza Hassan Mojtahed and a group of like-minded people in Dohchi formed the Islamic Association, and Kasravi, who was still a student at the time, was watching. After that, Tabriz suffered from conflict and bloodshed for four months, which resulted in the cessation of the Islamic Association. Kasravi, who was seventeen at the time, was forced to stay at home and read books. At this time, most of the people of Hakmavar, as well as Kasravi's family, were enemies of the constitution, and Kasravi, who had attached himself to the constitution, by force of circumstance, camouflaged his attachment. In the meantime, he followed the events of Tabriz until Tabriz calmed down and Kasravi started studying again. After studying for two years, he finally became a clergyman.
In 1909, Kasravi went down with typhus. As a result of this disease, Kasravi suffered from a constant disability that was always with him. He also suffered from anemia and his eyes became dim and he suffered from indigestion. After recovering from his illness, his relatives and locals, according to him, forcibly took him to the prayer mosque to become a cleric there. On the other hand, an opponent cleric, whose son-in-law was Mir Mohsen, also preached anti-Kasravi and called him a democrat in order to disperse the people around him. At this time, Kasravi sent his two younger brothers to Nejat Elementary School, which was not a good thing in the eyes of the people of that time, because his brothers, like other Sayyids, did not wear headscarves and did not wear green scarves. Kasravi, unlike other elected clerics, wore a beard, high-heeled shoes, and machine-made socks, wore a small turban, fastened his scarf, and wore glasses, which his opponents considered all because of his cult. After all, he did not fast and criticized the fasting people, and according to him, he only did things such as reciting the wedding sermon. From then on, he took over the management of his family, but he became poor. At this time, he began to recite the Quran and tried to learn the meaning of the verses of the Quran.
On 30 April 1909, the Russians clashed with the Mujahideen in Tabriz. Although Kasravi was far from a conflict in Hekmavar, this conflict and the stability of the Iranians affected him, and since Muharram had also begun, he advised the people on the pulpit. Kasravi was not satisfied with this and tried to join the fighters with several rifles; But the war did not last more than four days and the Mujahideen left the city and the Russians conquered Tabriz and appointed Samad Khan, one of the long-time enemies of the Constitution, over the city. Anti-constitutional clerics and their followers also inflicted severe violence on the constitutionalists. Kasravi was also forced to visit Samad Khan in Bagh-e Amir under the pressure of Haji Mir Mohsen Agha, Guardian their family. However, for the few days that he went to the pulpit, the clerics excommunicated him, and the cleric who was with him in Hakmavar incited the thugs to harm him, and eventually, the people gradually dispersed from his pulpit, and he thus withdrew from the clergy. According to him, the burden of the clergy was removed from his neck.
From then on, Kasravi was a homemaker for a while and read various books and became acquainted with the sciences of the day, and gradually found friends among the freedom seekers. According to Kasravi, one of the books that moved him to read was Ibrahim Bey's travelogue by Zeyn al-Abedin Maraghei.
At this time, Kasravi made a marriage contract with his cousin, the eldest daughter of their family, Mir Mohsen Agha; But at this time he saw the persecution of the clergy and was accused of cultism and disbelief in religion. On the other hand, because he had nothing to do, he became poor, had to sell his books, and, of course, enlisted the help of his father's old friends. Kasravi was offered to weave socks and he bought a sock machine, but the machine was unhealthy and Kasravi returned it, however, the seller did not return his advance payment. He bought another sock weaving machine, but this one also got into trouble and he lost it.
Kasravi, who had failed to provide a career and had also sold his books, became very depressed. He was interested in three disciplines: mathematics, history and Arabic, and he spent his time learning and reading these. At this time he wrote a speech in Arabic for a magazine called Al-Irfan, which was published in Sidon, and sent it to publish it without any compromise.
In 1915, Kasravi, in search of new knowledge, found himself in need of learning a European language. At first, he tried to learn French, but he knew that he could not learn without it. So he wanted to go to the American school in Tabriz called "Memorial School", so he went to Mr Chesp, the principal of that school, and repeated his request. Chesp considered Kasravi's high school year as a ban on his studentship at that school and had initially suggested that he go there as a teacher and study for two hours a day. Kasravi, who suffers from unemployment, accepted the offer and taught Arabic to the students who studied English themselves. It was in the first few months that he became self-taught about Esperanto and became attached to the language. He also chose a way to teach Arabic to his students. Then he wrote a book about this method called Al-Najm al-Darya, which was taught in Tabriz high schools for some time. In the American school, there were three Christian tribes (Armenian and Assyrian), Muslims and Ali-Illahism, which was a conflict between Christians and Muslims, and Kasravi was not relieved of this conflict. Some Muslim officials were also hostile to him there. Nevertheless, Kasravi calls Mr Chesp a righteous man who was far from religious.
Between 1915 and 1916, Kasravi, who was familiar with Baha'i history and beliefs, had discussions with the preachers of this religion.
At this time, too, Kasravi allegedly harassed clerics who knew he was going to an American school to study Babism.
At this time, cholera spread in Tabriz and Kasravi also contracted the disease. Tabriz also suffered from drought. Under these circumstances, the government provided flour to the people, and the Democrats mediated the distribution of flour among the people. Kasravi also tried to do this in Hekmavar.
At the same time, Bolsheviks were in power in Russia. There was chaos in Iran as well, especially in Azerbaijan. The retreating Russians looted and destroyed cities like Khoy. In Urmia and Salmas, the Assyrian uprising caused bloodshed. With the onset of winter, the government, which fed the meagre, got into trouble and reduced their rations. Then typhoid and typhoid diseases spread in Tabriz and left many dead. Meanwhile, one of Kasravi's brothers and niece also fell ill but recovered, but Kasravi's mother Khadijeh Khanum contracted typhus and did not recover and died. This incident upset Kasravi and he said it was the saddest event in his life after his father's death.
In 1918, Ottoman Empire troops invaded Azerbaijan. They were pessimistic about the Democrats, so they captured Sheikh Mohammad Khayabani and some of his allies and drove him out of Tabriz. The Ottomans formed a party in Tabriz called the Islamic Union, which was joined by a group of Tabrizis as well as Democrats, but Kasravi did not join them. At this time, Kasravi, who had been in the hands of enemies for some time, saw better to change his place of life, so he moved to Lilava, which was one of the best alleys in Tabriz at that time. At this time, Taqi Rifat, one of the street supporters, with the help of the Ottomans, founded a Turkish-language newspaper called Azarbadegan, in which he promoted Pan-Turkism. However, since World War I had led to the defeat of the Allies, in October of that year, the Ottoman troops left Tabriz and the Islamic Union collapsed. So Kasravi and the other Democrats reorganized their organization and expelled those who had collaborated with the Ottomans and tried to spread Pan-Turkism. They decided that from now on the party would use Persian language and one of its ideals would be to spread this language in Azerbaijan. In the meantime, Khiabani returned to Tabriz, but some of his actions, such as returning the expelled from the party and blaming others for his previous assassinations in Tabriz, angered the Democrats. In the meantime, Kasravi got bored and left the party. With the start of the fourth round of parliamentary elections on 21 July 1919, the street regrouped the Democrats and apologized for their previous actions, calling for the Democrats to show solidarity again; But still, the Khiabani dictatorship annoyed Kasravi and others. At this time, Vosugh od-Dowleh signed the 1919 agreement with Britain, but Mohammad Khiabani, contrary to the expectations of his allies, remained silent and did not act on it, which also increased the resentment of the Democrats. It was at this time that Kasravi began working in the judiciary (15 September 1919).
At the same time, divisiveness among Democrats escalated, with Kasravi splitting from the party. In the last meeting that took place between Kasravi and Khayabani, the two talked loudly, and after that Kasravi did not meet with Khayabani anymore. However, in his biography, Kasravi has expressed his remorse for being so big against a man who was eighteen or seventeen years older than him.
Shortly afterwards, Mohammad Khiabani revolted against the government. Kasravi and his companions disbanded their group, but Sheikh Khiabani pursued them and harassed a group of them. Kasravi also had to stay at home. After a few days, he had to go to Fakhrabad, a village two miles from Tabriz. Two weeks later, Major Edmund, the head of the British Political Bureau, called for a meeting with Kasravi. Kasravi went to the British Consulate in Tabriz and met with Major Edmund. According to Kasravi, Britain was concerned about the spread of Bolshevism, as Mirza Kuchik Khan had allied himself with them, and Britain wanted to abandon the ideology of Sheikh Khiabani. Major Edmund wanted to incite Kasravi to pursue a street fight, but Kasravi refused and explained that firstly his group would not be able to confront the street sheikh and secondly that he would not face him because his uprising was for Azerbaijan. At the same time, the Prime Minister had received a coded telegram from the critics that if you rise up to fight the street sheikh, the government will help you, which was also not accepted. At that time, Kasravi had returned to Tabriz, but he and his friends were under pressure and threats.
When a group of Kasravi's companions were arrested in the prison of Sheikh Khayabani, Kasravi had to leave Tabriz with his wife, leaving the cities and diyats alone until he contracted a nausea fever in Shahindaj and stayed there for a month and a half. Because there was no doctor there, Kasravi went to Tehran sometime later.
In Tehran, Kasravi met with his companions who had been expelled from Tabriz by a street sheikh. Although his illness had not left him, he went in search of work. He was eventually accepted to teach Arabic at Servat High School. Meetings were held in Tehran and Kasravi was asked to fight in the streets, but Kasravi refrained from doing so. Meanwhile, Mukhbar al-Saltanah, who had just become the governor of Azerbaijan, asked Kasravi to join him in quelling the street uprising, but Kasravi refused. Khiabani was killed two weeks later and the riot was suppressed.
At first, Khazal and his sons were pleased to know that Kasravi had knowledge of Arabic, but when Kasravi wrote in Arabic newspapers in response to Khuzestan's independent reading and called Khuzestan part of Iran, Khazal became angry with him. Kasravi visited Susa and Dezful in Khuzestan. He also saw the ruins of Gundeshapur. In Khuzestan, when he became acquainted with the Arabs of that region, he knew that few people except his graduates were familiar with eloquent Arabic. He also knew that not all Arabs have a good relationship with Sheikh Khazal. At this time, Kasravi was constantly reporting to the Prime Minister on the critical situation in Khuzestan.kasravi, p. 243
One is the religion that that honourable Arab man brought one thousand, three hundred and fifty years ago and was established for centuries. The other is the Islam that there is today and has turned into many colours from Sunnism, Shi'ism, Esmaili, Aliollahi, Sheikhi, and Karimkhani, and the like. They call both Islam, but they are not one. They are completely different and are opposite of one another.... Nothing is left of that Islam. This establishment that the mullas are running not only does not have many benefits but also causes many harms and results in wretchedness.Ahmad Kasravi, Dar Piramoun-e Eslam (Tehran: Payedar, fifth printing, 1969), p.4 quoted by Sohrab Behdad, "Utopia of Assassins: Nawab Safavi and the Fada'ian-e Eslamin Prerevolutionary Iran" in Ramin Jahanbegloo, Iran: Between Tradition and Modernity, Lexington Books (2004), p. 73
Basically, he believed and wrote that "all the present-day representations of Islam have deviated from the essence and the true concept of its foundation".Lloyd Ridgeon, Sufi Castigator: Ahmad Kasravi and the Iranian Mystical Tradition, Routledge (2006), p. 47 He was particularly critical of Shia (since its formation since the sixth emam, Emam Jafar Sadegh) and Sufism, to which he ascribed many ills, from its supposed promotion of stagnation, "irrationality" or even being a tool of the Orientalists.Lloyd Ridgeon, Sufi Castigator: Ahmad Kasravi and the Iranian Mystical Tradition, Routledge (2006), pp. 50–57 His main target in that field was the famous E. G. Browne, appreciated by Iranian intellectuals of all tendencies, whom he accused to have favoured Sufi poetry in his history of Persian literature, and thus trying to characterize the Iranian spirit with the errors he thinks belong to Sufis (immorality, irrationality, ...), further promoting idleness and passivity in order to keep Iran subjugated to foreign imperialists.Lloyd Ridgeon, Sufi Castigator: Ahmad Kasravi and the Iranian Mystical Tradition, Routledge (2006), pp. 121–135 His criticism of Hafez Shirazi followed the same path, considering him "a source of disgrace",Lloyd Ridgeon, Sufi Castigator: Ahmad Kasravi and the Iranian Mystical Tradition, Routledge (2006) p. 141 saying that his "immorality" was due to the fact that the Mongols were the new rulers in the region, not respectful of Islamic law, thus letting some Sufis (like Hafez) "free to indulge in drinking wine, whereas previously they had to be cautious not to offend the Islamic sentiments of the rulers and the religious authorities."Lloyd Ridgeon, Sufi Castigator: Ahmad Kasravi and the Iranian Mystical Tradition, Routledge (2006), p. 148 Kasravi was also critical about the Baháʼí Faith and considered it as another continuation of the same deviation that started from Shia (penetration and influence of Old Iranian and Judaism beliefs about "a supposed to come saviour" into Islam) to Shaykhism (followers of Shaykh Ahmad) then Babism (followers of Ali Muhammad, called the Bab), then into the Baháʼí Faith. Abbas Amanat, professor of history at Yale University, believes that Kasravi's work regarding the Bahá'í called Bahaigari is "a short polemic of little historical value". He further explains "in his criticism of the Bab, he hardly takes into account the historical circumstances under which the movement first appeared and his pontifical judgements no doubt are influenced by his own vision of pakdini".Amanat, Abbas. Resurrection and Renewal: The Making of the Babi Movement in Iran. Cornell University Press, 1989. 348-9 It should be noted, however, that Amanat considers himself a follower of the Baháʼí Faith.
Kasravi's views threatened both modernist (blind followers of western culture in materialistic concept) intellectuals and the traditionalist cleric class (who worked along and gave legitimacy to traditionalists and Shia leaders who oppose progressive needed changes to modernize the country), not only because of his vision of religion (apart from Shi'a faith and Sufism, he was also sceptical of the Baháʼí), but also due to his critical stance on secularism and the fact that he was "the first Iranian to criticize modernism and Eurocentrism before Al-e Ahmad coined the term 'Weststruckness' and made it a genre."Farhang Rajaee, Islamism and Modernism: The Changing Discourse in Iran, University of Texas Press (2010), pp. 50–51.
Kasravi also published several periodicals: Payman (1932–1942) and Parcham (1942–1944).
Arguing that the ancient Azari language had been closely related to Persian language and the influx of Turkic words began only with the Seljuq invasion, Ahmad Kasravi believed that the true national language of Iranian Azerbaijan was Persian and therefore advocated the linguistic assimilation of Persian in Azarbaijan.Tadeusz Swietochowski, Russia and a Borderland in Transition Azerbaijan, 122–289 p. (Columbia University Press, 1995). In 1927-8, Ahmad Kasravi led the way in establishing the ancestry of the Safavids dynasty with the publication of three influential articles, and disputed the validity of the 'official' Safavid family tree contained in the Safvat al-Safa, and argued convincingly that the ancestors of Shaykh Safi al-Din, who founded the Safavid Order (tariqa), were indigenous inhabitants of Iran. Today, the consensus among Safavid historians is that the Safavid family hailed from Iranian Kurdistan.
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